Background Chest drain management has a significant influence on postoperative recovery after robot-assisted minimally invasive esophagectomy (RAMIE). The use of chest drains increases postoperative pain by irritating intercostal nerves and hinders patients from early postoperative mobilization and recovery. To our knowledge, no study has investigated the use of two vs. one intercostal chest drains after RAMIE. Methods This retrospective cohort study evaluated patients undergoing elective RAMIE with gastric conduit pull-up and intrathoracic anastomosis. Patients were divided into two groups according to placement of one (11/2020–08/2022) or two (08/2018–11/2020) chest drains. Propensity score matching was performed in a 1:1 ratio, and the incidences of overall and pulmonary complications, drainage-associated re-interventions, radiological diagnostics, analgesic use, and length of hospital stay were compared between single drain and double drain groups. Results During the study period, 194 patients underwent RAMIE. Twenty-two patients were included after propensity score matching in the single and double chest drain group, respectively. Time until removal of the last chest drain [postoperative day (POD) 6.7 ± 4.4 vs. POD 9.4 ± 2.7, p = 0.004] and intensive care unit stay (4.2 ± 5.1 days vs. 5.3 ± 3.5 days, p = 0.01) were significantly shorter in the single drain group. Overall and pulmonary complications, drainage-associated events, re-interventions, number of diagnostic imaging, analgesic use, and length of hospital stay were comparable between both groups. Conclusion This study is the first to demonstrate the safety of single intercostal chest drain use and, at least, non-inferiority to double chest drains in terms of perioperative complications after RAMIE.

Purpose. The aim of the paper is to examine whether – and to what extent – the concept of Media and Information Literacy (hereinafter: MIL) can be understood as a possible approach to critical pedagogy in practice by examining the adequacy and comprehensibility of the content of its curriculum, previously adapted to the BiH (Bosnian and Herzegovinian) context and its fragmented education system. Approach/methodology. The first part of the paper presents a brief framework of the concept of critical pedagogy, its relationship with media and information literacy, together with the specifics of the education system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second part, the paper focuses on the case study of pilot training conducted at the Sarajevo Hasan Kikić elementary school, aiming to acquaint teachers and librarians with the concept and curriculum of MIL. Results. Although teachers and librarians have adopted skills to teach about MIL, the results point to a lack of emancipatory pedagogical practices in the existing education system which could counter various, primarily systemically produced forms of oppression. Originality/value. The value of this paper reflects the efforts to read the concept of MIL through the theoretical lenses of critical pedagogy. Although based on the 2011 UNESCO’s understanding of MIL, the originality of this approach also lies in the fact that the conducted workshops were set down on its curriculum adapted to the Bosnian and Herzegovinian context. Practical implications. The practical implications of this research could be seen through the further processes of researching and promoting collaborative teaching and learning, encouraging thus the development of critical thinking, and thinking individuals capable of combating domination and transforming reality through pedagogy. Social implications. Incorporating critical pedagogy while reading the adapted MIL curriculum can be used for promoting a comprehensive and active role of re-creating knowledge, enabling practices of critical attitude towards the existing social reality, and promoting and strengthening democratic practices.

Protests among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are becoming more frequent. Most often, their aim is to decry the dysfunctionality and opacity of the government, which are the result of the ethno-political structure created by the Dayton Agreement, but also a trend towards democratic regression and autocracy. A number of authors have tackled the ?JMBG? protests of 2013 and the Plenums that emerged from the February 2014 protests, from their particular disciplines. The focus of this paper is the social movement ?Justice for Dzenan,? organized by the Memic family upon the tragic death of Dzenan Memic in Sarajevo in February 2016. An in-depth study was conducted with key actors of the movement, as well as those who follow or in some way support the protests. Particular emphasis in the research was paid to the pragmatic symbiosis of the social movement and one political party. We argue that it is possible to identify a pragmatic symbiosis as a novel form (democratic innovation) of socio-political cooperation that can impede rising autocratization. Through the quest for accountability, social movements are introducing new strategic practices of mobilization and a novel type of alliance-building with external factors (new political parties as well as other social movements). The goal of the paper is to explore how the social movement ?Justice for Dzenan? interacts with political parties and approach the political sphere in BiH. Also, the idea is to examine the possibilities and functionality of this kind of cooperation with the framework of contentious politics.

Ovim radom ispituje se da li i na koji način politički poredak u Bosni i Hercegovini determiniran logikom etnopolitike sadrži i producira subverzivni potencijal za vlastitu negaciju. Ideja se postepeno javljala u kontekstu različitih protesta u proteklih pet godina, ali se kao naučno pitanje ozbiljnije oblikovalo tek stapanjem protesta “Pravda za Dženana” i “Pravda za Davida” 2018. godine. Kroz proteste se od jedinstvenog matičnog broja i zdravstva preko radničkih prava i demobilisanih boraca kao politiziranih tijela par excellence pa sve do institucionalizirane instrumentalizacije smrti uočava izražena biopolitička dimenzija sa potpisom etnodeterminizma. Politološkim čitanjem odnosa između kontrahegemonijskih narativa odozdo i njihove sve vidljivije kriminalizacije odozdo, autor problematizira kako ono što se ovdje naziva biopolitikom etnodeterminizma producira narativ otpora kao mogućnost koja osvjetljavanjem naličja samog sistema dovodi u pitanje osnovu njegove legitimacije.