ABSTRACT This article examines two instances of embodied experiences in research and teaching on mobilities, focusing on the senses as both an object of study and a means of inquiry. Firstly, drawing upon fieldwork exploring cross-border commuting in the Polish–German border region, we center the body in our analysis to explore the embodied and sensorial dimensions of labor mobility. By doing so, we develop the discussion of multisensoriality in the study of labor migration and mobilities and the discussion of the body in the sociology of work by examining how bodily experiences, such as exhaustion, contribute to a deeper understanding of everyday lives. Secondly, as researchers and educators in higher education institutions, we reflect upon our own and our students' bodily and sensory experiences when conducting fieldwork, emphasizing their significance in scholarly knowledge production and encouraging a more comprehensive understanding of the sensory complexities involved in migration and mobility studies.

This study introduces a translation perspective to analyze the policy harmonization process, highlighting imitation, brokering, and editing in shaping policy dynamics at EU and national levels. The translation perspective emphasizes that while policy development is ongoing, the protracted process signals a shift in EU‐wide coordination of skilled labor migration. We show how ongoing translation efforts have transformed the coordination of skilled labor migration across the EU, as labor migration policies have translated into each other, resulting in mutual transformation. The study provides insights into the complex processes of policy harmonization via the Blue Card, enhancing understanding of EU labor migration policy. The findings demonstrate the continuous nature of policy translation between multiple contexts. The article traces developments surrounding the EU Blue Card Directive, including a parallel scheme in Austria, offering insights into skilled migration policy dynamics beyond linear diffusion models.

RESUMENEste artículo examina la inesperada tensión política de tirar basura en Bosnia y Herzegovina, donde la eliminación inadecuada de desechos se ha convertido en un punto de conflicto en luchas más amplias sobre la presencia ausente y el poder económico de la diáspora en el país. Basándonos en un archivo de incivilidad diaspórica que recopilamos sistemáticamente de foros y portales en línea, desarrollamos aún más la noción de Rosalind Fredericks de ‘ciudadanía de la basura’ en la vida cotidiana a través de una de las propiedades materiales vitales de la basura: su potencial para materializar la ausencia. Al sintonizar nuestro análisis con las resonancias emocionales de los desechos, mostramos cómo las controversias en torno a la basura y la incivilidad diaspórica representan en términos más generales la apertura de un espacio público para cuestionar el poder de la diáspora y la desigualdad que ha resultado de ella. Sostenemos que esta lucha sobre quién es dueño y pertenece a estos espacios, que abarcan desde la ciudad hasta el campo y todos los lugares intermedios, se ve avivada por la basura desechada de forma inadecuada que animan este discurso público. Al hacerlo, llamamos la atención sobre los ricos terrenos políticos de la partida y sus consecuencias, y pedimos más investigaciones que examinen cómo se enfrentan y se gestionan las tensiones sobre la diáspora en la vida cotidiana.

Diaspora governance strategies are part of an increasingly vibrant academic and policy debate. International organisations play a significant role in promoting diaspora institutions, collaborating with home states, diaspora communities, and other stakeholders. In post‐conflict states, the involvement, and evolving roles of international organisations, among a variety of actors in diaspora institution building, is implicit but has been underresearched. This article analyses a diaspora mapping exercise led by the IOM to demonstrate how an institutional logics perspective can help to better understand how such processes unfold. Taking an organisational perspective, it sheds light on the interplay among international organisations, state agencies, local government, and individual actors in diaspora and development. By focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the study offers insights into the challenges and opportunities in diaspora engagement in post‐conflict countries. It underscores the need for further research and the long‐term implications of international organisations' efforts in diaspora development programs and diaspora governance.

ABSTRACT Scholarship on diaspora political engagement is unfolding in novel ways exploring the participation of second-generation diaspora individuals and engagement patters of authoritarian and hybrid regimes. Focusing on the unique role of diaspora politicians, I contend that these individuals adeptly leverage their identity to impact politics and advocate for change. The article demonstrates their adaptability in different settings and evolving advocacy strategies. The article employs a multilingual analysis of social media, public interviews, and public appearances in Germany and Bosnia and Herzegovina using an exploratory case study of a German-Bosnian politician. This exploration underscores their flexibility and evolving advocacy dynamics. Furthermore, it illustrates the way these politicians enhance their profiles within the countries where they’ve been elected and in countries of their descent. This serves to strengthen their chances of re-election on one hand while also drawing attention to authoritarian tendencies, potentially clearing a path for democratic advancement on the other.

This paper bridges research on countering violent extremism (CVE), where the role of ethnic and religious diaspora in deradicalization has been understudied and undertheorized, with diaspora and migration literature, which emphasizes diaspora actors as having their own agency and claim-making potential within larger transnational processes. Based on a review of both literatures and insights from interviews, we identify challenges and opportunities presented by the Austrian context and how they contribute to the understanding of the role of diaspora communities in deradicalization processes. Austria presents a relevant case study for several reasons. First, its radical milieu has a long history beginning with the emergence of the jihadi Salafi scene in the 90s and manifesting with foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) who joined ISIS between 2012 and 2017. Second, Austria hosts diverse diaspora populations that consist of multiple generations and is a highly politicized environment. This paper helps contextualize policy responses to foreign fighters. We argue that while diaspora belonging is not the main factor leading to radicalization, social networks that emerge from diasporas play a role in such processes. Thus, policies should de-emphasize religious and ethnic identities and empower social actors within diaspora communities to promote resilience against radicalization.

This collective discussion brings together six women scholars of and from the post-Yugoslav space, who, using personal experiences, analyze the dynamics of knowledge production in international relations (IR), especially regarding the post-Yugoslav space. Working in Global North academia but with lived experiences in the region we study, our research is often subjected to a particular gaze, seeped in assumptions about “ulterior” motives and expectations about writing and representation. Can those expected to be objects of knowledge ever become epistemic subjects? We argue that the rendering of the post-Yugoslav space as conflict-prone and as Europe's liminal semi-periphery in the discipline of IR cannot be decoupled from the rendering of the region and those seen as related to it as unable to produce knowledge that, in mainstream discussions, is seen as valuable and “objective.” The post-Yugoslav region and those seen as related to it being simultaneously postcolonial, postsocialist, and postwar, and characterized by marginalization, complicity, and privilege in global racialized hierarchies at the same time, can make visible specific forms of multiple colonialities, potentially creating space for anti- and/or decolonial alternatives. We further make the case for embracing a radical reflexivity that is active, collaborative, and rooted in feminist epistemologies and political commitments.